Federal prosecutors say two businessmen had a motive for making illegal contributions to U.S. political campaigns. The two men sought to remove an American diplomat in Ukraine, according to an indictment unsealed on Thursday.
The two men, Igor Fruman and Lev Parnas, were associates of President Trump's personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani. They also have business interests in Ukraine.
The indictment alleges that Fruman and Parnas made hundreds of thousands of dollars in illegal campaign donations, disguising the sources of the money and bringing some of it from overseas. They were about to leave the United States with one-way tickets on Wednesday when FBI agents arrested them at Dulles International Airport.
What was it about the little-known career diplomat that made the men willing to go to such lengths to have her dismissed?
The ambassador, Marie Yovanovitch, was the target of extensive criticism in conservative media this past spring — criticism that Trump himself took on board. Yovanovitch was recalled last spring before the end of her expected term. And Trump spoke of her during his now-famous phone call with Ukraine's president on July 25 — the call that spurred the whistleblower complaint that led the House to open an impeachment inquiry. "The woman, was bad news," Trump said, adding that she dealt with Ukranians who were also "bad news."
Yovanovitch is now in Washington. She has been asked to testify Friday as part of the impeachment inquiry, which centers on Trump's effort to have a political rival investigated in Ukraine. She has avoided talking to the media, but NPR has reconstructed her story through documents and sources in both the U.S. and Ukraine.
What emerges is the story of a longtime government employee who made enemies in Ukraine while representing U.S. interests. Her Ukrainian enemies undermined her by spreading unsubstantiated claims to the U.S. — in particular, that she was disloyal to Trump.
Who is Yovanovitch?
President Barack Obama nominated the career diplomat in 2016 to serve as ambassador to Ukraine. Though it was a deeply partisan time, she was easily confirmed by the Republican-controlled Senate.
At her confirmation hearing, Yovanovitch brought along her elderly mother and told a little of her life story. Her parents had left their homes in the former Soviet Union and moved to Canada, where Yovanovitch was born in 1958.
She was a toddler when the family migrated once again, this time to America. "They finally arrived in the United States with me in tow in search of freedom, accountability, and opportunity," she told senators.
The young immigrant became a U.S. citizen and went on to join the U.S. Foreign Service. Colleagues say her early postings included difficult locations such as Somalia and Moscow. She was especially useful in the Russian capital, having grown up speaking Russian. (Colleagues say she is widely known as "Masha," an affectionate Russian version of Marie.)
Her language and cultural skills proved useful again in 2001, when she first was assigned to the former Soviet republic of Ukraine. She was deputy chief of mission, the No. 2 diplomat behind then-Ambassador Carlos Pascual.
"She really understood what it was to work in difficult hardship posts," Pascual says. "She was one of the first people on the mission that understood how important it was to be able to create a different environment in Ukraine that allowed people to have a check on government."
Yovanovitch focused on understanding and promoting civil society — journalists, activists and citizens' groups whose work is considered vital to democracy. In 2004, not long after she finished her first stint in the country, Ukraine's civil society made history by displacing the government after a disputed election in what is known as the Orange Revolution. Another uprising came in 2014.
When Yovanovitch returned in 2016, it was as the top U.S. diplomat. She was inheriting a tough job. By then, Russia had invaded Ukraine, annexed Crimea and encouraged separatist movements.
During her confirmation, Yovanovitch said she was open to providing military aid to Ukraine, a stance that had bipartisan support. She also set a goal to keep promoting civil society.
"Building capacity within the journalistic community, within civil society so that they themselves can get their own good news out and they themselves can counter the Russian propaganda efforts," she told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
A "reserved" and "cautious" diplomat
This commitment would cause many in Ukraine's civil society to look favorably on Yovanovitch.
Daria Kaleniuk, executive director of the Kyiv-based Anti-Corruption Action Center, described the ambassador as "very supportive" to the anti-corruption reforms in Ukraine.
Other Ukranians who dealt with the ambassador recall her as a professional who worked hard to represent U.S. policy. Journalist Nataliya Gumenyuk says Yovanovitch "was a good diplomat, but very, very reserved."
"She was extremely cautious," Gumenyuk says. "She would never say anything beyond what the diplomat can say."
In November 2016, the new ambassador invited civil society activists and others to an event to mark America's presidential election. Kaleniuk, who was in attendance, said some in the room were dismayed by Trump's election because he was viewed as sympathetic to Russia. But the U.S. ambassador delivered a reassuring message, says Kaleniuk.
"The United States will continue being the partner and supporter of Ukraine and we congratulate our democracy," Kaleniuk says, recalling Yovanovitch's message that night. "She didn't express any frustration."
The story, which a second attendee at the event confirmed to NPR, would be characteristic of a career diplomat like Yovanovitch. Unlike some ambassadors, who are friends or supporters of a president, supporters say she served whoever was in the White House.
A growing cast of enemies
Yet not everyone in Ukraine was pleased with her. Some Ukrainians found her narrow-minded, bureaucratic and hard to reach.
Then there were the two associates of Giuliani, the men arrested this week.
Fruman and Parnas, both U.S. citizens who had been born in former Soviet republics, had business interests in Ukraine. Federal prosecutors allege they wanted to please Ukranian officials who disliked the ambassador.
According to the indictment, they sought to gain influence in the U.S. government and allegedly made hundreds of thousands of dollars in illegal campaign contributions.
Their efforts appeared to pay off in 2018. They donated to Pete Sessions, who was then a senior member in the House but lost his reelection bid in 2018. While the congressman is not named in the indictment, details from the document and Federal Election Commission records outline the ties between Fruman, Parnas and the Texas Republican.
Sessions wrote a letter to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo demanding that the ambassador be dismissed.
Sessions made an allegation that was toxic in the Trump administration: that Yovanovitch had criticized the president. He alleged that she showed "disdain for the current administration."
After the arrest of Fruman and Parnas, Sessions admitted having met with the two men, but he denied that they had caused him to write the letter. "At no time did I take any official action after these meetings," he said in a statement.
Laura Ingraham: “In May 2018, former Congressman Pete Sessions sent Secretary of State Pompeo an urgent letter imploring him to remove the U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch. ... She’s reportedly demonstrated clear anti-Trump bias.” pic.twitter.com/iHoujSHB1h— Ryan Saavedra (@RealSaavedra) March 23, 2019
Yovanovitch was not fired after Sessions' complaint, but worse was coming for her. Kaleniuk, the Ukranian anti-corruption activist, says the ambassador had another enemy: Ukraine's then-prosecutor general, Yuri Lutsenko.
"Ambassador Yovanovitch was a friend for civil society in Ukraine," she said. "This is what Yuri Lutsenko and other corrupt officials in power did not like."
Lutsenko was a vital figure in what happened next. Civil society groups called him corrupt. They recently summarized their accusations in a formal complaint, which they sent to the U.S. Treasury Department and that NPR has obtained. The groups affixing their names to the letter include Kaleniuk's Anti-Corruption Action Center.
In the document, Lutsenko is accused of enriching himself and targeting anti-corruption investigators.
Yovanovitch was focused on corruption. On March 5, she gave a speech alleging that Ukraine's government was backsliding in its efforts against corruption. "It is increasingly clear," she said, "that Ukraine's once-in-a-generation opportunity for change has not yet resulted in the anti-corruption or rule of law reforms that Ukrainians expect or deserve."
Attacks in conservative media
Soon after this speech, Lutsenko struck back, suggesting the U.S. ambassador was really the corrupt one. On March 20, he spoke to Hill TV and claimed that Yovanovitch had given him a list of people not to prosecute.
The State Department denied the story, and Lutsenko later recanted his claim, but it had already spread.
The very night of the Hill TV report, another accusation against the ambassador reached Sean Hannity of Fox News. On his program that night, Hannity interviewed Joseph DiGenova, a lawyer linked to Trump. DiGenova said that the ambassador "has bad-mouthed the president of the United States." NPR asked DiGenova where he got that information, but he declined to say.
On March 24, Donald Trump Jr. attacked the ambassador on Twitter. "We need... less of these jokers as ambassadors," the president's oldest son wrote. Then in April, Hannity interviewed the president himself, and Trump made a vague statement that conservative media reporting out of Ukraine "sounds like big stuff."
Weeks later, Yovanovitch was called home from her job, before the end of her assignment.
An ambassador removed
Why would these toxic claims go so directly from Ukraine to people around the president? Here is at least part of the answer: Ukrainians who opposed her were also sources for the president's personal lawyer.
Giuliani was on a months-long search for political dirt in Ukraine to help Trump. The two indicted businessmen were helping Giuliani find information.
Lutsenko, the prosecutor accused of corruption, met Giuliani at least twice, according to the whistleblower report filed against the president. The president's lawyer developed a negative view of the U.S. ambassador, later saying on CNN that she stopped him from interviewing witnesses in his search for politically damaging information against former Vice President Joe Biden. His son Hunter had served on the board of a Ukrainian gas company.
In the end, the removal of Yovanovitch may not have helped the president or his lawyer. Her replacement was another career diplomat, Bill Taylor, who now has an indelible place in the impeachment inquiry.
In September, Taylor sent text messages, which are now public, in which he said, "I think it's crazy to withhold security assistance for help with a political campaign." Trump did withhold military aid to Ukraine, before later asking the country's president to investigate Biden for acts in Ukraine. Those efforts are now at the center of the impeachment inquiry.
In the audio of this story, as in a previous Web version, we refer to some text messages from diplomat Bill Taylor as having been sent in July. Those messages were sent in September.
DAVID GREENE (HOST): We have a story this morning behind two men accused of illegal campaign contributions. They were associates of Rudy Giuliani, President Trump's personal lawyer. Federal prosecutors arrested the two businessmen Wednesday night. They were at Washington Dulles Airport, about to leave the country. They're accused of making hundreds of thousands of dollars in illegal donations while representing interests in Ukraine.
RACHEL MARTIN (HOST): The indictment says the men wanted to remove the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. That ambassador was removed, and she is scheduled to testify today because she's also a witness in the House impeachment inquiry. So who is ambassador Marie Louise Yovanovitch? And how did she make enemies in President Trump's world? Steve Inskeep has been reconstructing her story.
STEVE INSKEEP (BYLINE): Marie Louise Yovanovitch has testified before Congress before.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
MARIE LOUISE YOVANOVITCH (FORMER US AMBASSADOR TO UKRAINE): ...Hardened members of this committee, it's an honor to appear before you today as President Obama's nominee to serve as the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine.
INSKEEP: It was her confirmation hearing in 2016. She sat at the witness table with short hair, glasses and a tan suit. She had brought along her elderly mother.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
YOVANOVITCH: Well, like so many in Europe in the 1940s, including those in the Ukrainian American community, my parents survived poverty, war and displacement. They finally arrived in the United States, with me in tow, in search of freedom, accountability and opportunity.
INSKEEP: Marie Louise Yovanovitch is an immigrant. Her family came from the former Soviet Union. It was a Russian-speaking family, and she answered to an affectionate Russian version of her name, Marie.
CARLOS PASCUAL (FORMER US AMBASSADOR TO UKRAINE): Everybody that ever worked with her knew her as Masha.
INSKEEP: Carlos Pascual worked with Masha Yovanovitch because in the early 2000s, he was the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. It was a former Soviet republic with many Russian speakers, so he hired Russian-speaking Yovanovitch as his deputy. This immigrant, now a U.S. citizen, was part of the U.S. Foreign Service.
PASCUAL: She had already been based in Moscow. She'd been based in Somalia. She really understood what it was to work in difficult-hardship posts. One of the key things that emerged in Ukraine were the foundations for a civil society that retained a check and balance on power and government.
INSKEEP: Civil society - that phrase means journalists, activists and citizens groups whose work is vital for democracy. Yovanovitch made it her business to track and understand them. In 2004, not long after she finished her first assignment in Ukraine, those groups made history. One of our correspondents looked on...
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED NPR BROADCAST)
UNIDENTIFIED NPR REPORTER (NPR REPORTER/NPR CLIP): A sea of several hundred thousand people enthusiastically waving yellow and light blue Ukrainian flags into a bitterly cold, perfectly clear sky.
UNIDENTIFIED PEOPLE (UKRAINIAN CITIZENS): (Chanting in foreign language).
INSKEEP: ...As Ukrainians displaced their government after a disputed election. Years later, Yovanovitch returned to Ukraine, this time as the top U.S. diplomat, the ambassador. The Senate confirmed it without controversy, though her assignment was tough. Russia had invaded Ukraine. At that 2016 confirmation, she told senators she was open to providing military aid to Ukraine. She also said she'd keep promoting civil society.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
YOVANOVITCH: Building capacity within the journalistic community, within civil society so that they themselves can get their own good news out and they themselves can counter the Russian propaganda efforts.
INSKEEP: In November 2016, the new ambassador invited civil society activists and others to an event to mark America's presidential election. Daria Kalanick, a Ukrainian anti-corruption activist, was among those who attended.
DARIA KALENIUK (CO-FOUNDER/EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, ANTI-CORRUPTION ACTION CENTER): Ambassador Yovanovitch was hosting this reception. So for many Ukrainians, the victory of Trump was a big surprise.
INSKEEP: Some were dismayed since Trump seemed sympathetic to Russia. But Kaleniuk recalls the U.S. ambassador delivering this reassuring message.
KALENIUK: The United States will continue being the partner and supporter of Ukraine, and we congratulate our democracy. And she didn't express any frustration or anything.
INSKEEP: Remember, she's a career diplomat. Unlike some ambassadors who are friends or supporters of a president, she served whoever was in the White House. Ukrainians say she was professional and worked hard to represent U.S. policy. Nataliya Gumenyuk had many dealings with the ambassador as a journalist.
NATALIYA GUMENYUK (UKRAINIAN JOURNALIST): She was a good diplomat but very, very reserved, so she was extremely cautious. She would never say anything beyond what the diplomat can say.
INSKEEP: Yet, the ambassador made enemies. Some Ukrainians called her narrow-minded and bureaucratic. And then there were the two business associates of Rudy Giuliani, the men arrested this week. They had business in Ukraine. Federal prosecutors say they wanted to please Ukrainian officials who disliked the ambassador, so they tried to gain influence in the U.S. government. They allegedly made illegal campaign contributions, and their efforts paid off in 2018.
They donated to Texas Congressman Pete Sessions, and Sessions wrote a letter demanding that the ambassador be dismissed. Sessions made an allegation that was toxic in the Trump administration. He claimed this cautious, by-the-book ambassador criticized President Trump, showing, quote, "disdain for the current administration." Sessions has denied his campaign contributors told him to say that. Ambassador Yovanovitch was not fired at that time in 2018, but worse was coming. The Ukrainian anti-corruption activist Daria Kaleniuk says the ambassador had another enemy.
KALENIUK: Basically, Ambassador Yovanovitch was a brand for civil society activists in Ukraine. And this is what Yuriy Lutsenko and other corrupt officials in power did not like.
INSKEEP: Yuriy Lutsenko was Ukraine's prosecutor general and a vital figure in what happened next. Civil society groups called him corrupt. They recently summarized their accusations in a formal complaint. They sent the U.S. Treasury Department that complaint, which NPR has obtained. Lutsenko is accused of enriching himself and targeting anti-corruption investigators. This made him just the sort of official the U.S. ambassador called out.
(SOUNDBITE OF SPEECH)
YOVANOVITCH: Hi, everybody. Natalia, thank you. And it's really an honor and a pleasure to be here to celebrate...
INSKEEP: This is a speech the ambassador gave on March 5, 2019 before a group called the Ukraine Crisis Media Center. She said Ukraine's government was backsliding in its efforts against corruption.
(SOUNDBITE OF SPEECH)
YOVANOVITCH: It is increasingly clear that Ukraine's once-in-a-generation opportunity for change has not yet resulted in the anti-corruption or rule of law reforms that Ukrainians expect or deserve.
INSKEEP: Soon after this speech, that Ukrainian prosecutor struck back. Yuriy Lutsenko suggested the U.S. ambassador was really the corrupt one.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
YURIY LUTSENKO (FORMER UKRAINIAN PROSECUTOR GENERAL): (Through interpreter) I had some difficult personal relationship with Ms. Ambassador.
INSKEEP: On March 20, 2019, Lutsenko gave this interview through an interpreter to Hill TV, a right-leaning website in the U.S.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
LUTSENKO: (Through interpreter) Ms. Ambassador gave me a list of people whom we should not prosecute.
INSKEEP: Should not prosecute? Brian Bonner, of a Ukrainian newspaper called the Kyiv Post, says Lutsenko was suggesting the ambassador was protecting someone.
BRIAN BONNER (CHIEF EDITOR, KYIV POST): And it turned out to be false, completely false. The State Department denied it, and Lutsenko retracted it.
INSKEEP: But by then, the toxic claim had spread. The very night of the Hill TV report, another accusation against the ambassador reached a TV program very popular with the president of the United States.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
INSKEEP: Sean Hannity of Fox News interviewed a lawyer linked to the president. On this primetime show, Joe diGenova suddenly denounced the previously obscure ambassador.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "HANNITY")
SEAN HANNITY (HOST, HANNITY): And we also now know that the current United States ambassador, Marie Yovanovitch, has bad-mouthed the president of the United States to Ukrainian officials.
INSKEEP: We asked diGenova where he got that information, and he declined to say. On March 24, Donald Trump junior attacked the ambassador on Twitter. And in April, Hannity interviewed the president himself.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "HANNITY")
HANNITY: Let me start with this issue in the Ukraine.
INSKEEP: Hannity asked the president if he'd followed conservative media reporting on Ukraine. The president was vague but said the story should win a Pulitzer Prize.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "HANNITY")
PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP (US PRES): These are the ones that should be winning. It sounds like big stuff. It sounds like - very interesting with Ukraine.
INSKEEP: Weeks later, in the spring of 2019, Ambassador Yovanovitch was called home from her job before the end of her assignment.
Now, why would these toxic claims go so directly from Ukraine to people around the president? Here's at least part of the answer. Ukrainians who opposed her were also sources for the president's personal lawyer. Rudy Giuliani was on a months-long search for political dirt in Ukraine to help President Trump. The two indicted businessmen? They were helping Giuliani find information. That prosecutor accused of corruption? He met Giuliani at least twice. That's according to the report filed by a U.S. government whistleblower.
The president's lawyer developed a negative view of the U.S. ambassador. He later claimed on CNN that she stopped him from interviewing witnesses.
RUDY GIULIANI (ATTORNEY): They were trying to get to us, but they were being blocked by the ambassador, who was a Obama appointee, in Ukraine.
INSKEEP: So the career U.S. ambassador, whose friends called her nonpartisan, had to return early to Washington.
But there is irony here. Things did not get easier for the president or his lawyer. Marie Louise Yovanovitch was replaced by another career diplomat, Bill Taylor. And Taylor now has an indelible place in the impeachment inquiry. In July, Taylor sent text messages which are now public. He said, quote, "I think it's crazy to withhold security assistance for help with a political campaign." President Trump, as we know, did withhold military aid to Ukraine while also demanding his rival Joe Biden be investigated for acts in Ukraine.
MARTIN: So, Steve, the president's moves are now at the center of the impeachment inquiry, which raises a question, right? Did President Trump know about anything you have just reported?
INSKEEP: Well, he says no. The president spoke to reporters yesterday and distanced himself from this whole case, says he didn't know the two campaign contributors who have been arrested - although some of the money was in support of him - says he doesn't know why Rudy Giuliani would have known them. But the available evidence suggests something a little different.
MARTIN: What evidence?
INSKEEP: Well, the phone call - you know, the one at the center of the impeachment inquiry, the phone call to the president of Ukraine...
INSKEEP: ...Where President Trump asks for favors, including an investigation of Joe Biden? President Trump also mentioned the ambassador's recent dismissal. He says of her, quote, "the woman was bad news," says she dealt with people who were also bad news. So from that record of the call, Rachel, it's clear that the president knew of her dismissal and that he'd heard the attacks on this career U.S. diplomat and that he agreed with them.
MARTIN: OK. Fascinating reporting by our own Steve Inskeep. Thanks so much, Steve.
INSKEEP: Thank you.
[POST-BROADCAST CORRECTION: We refer to some text messages from diplomat Bill Taylor as having been sent in July. Those messages were sent in September.]
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